Consumer Culture of Low-Income Consumers

Consumer Culture of Low-Income Consumers Literature Paper focus on low-income consumers whose economic resources results in them being unable to obtain the goods and services needed for an ‘‘sufficient’’ and ‘‘socially acceptable’’ standard of income (Darley and Johnson, 1985, p. 206); in other words, consumers experiencing relative poverty and relative deficiency (Townsend, 1987) in consumer culture. In today’s consumer culture, as the standard of living rises, the gap between a survival income and a social enclosure income will continue to enlarge (Bowring, 2000). While economic escalation and consumer culture has raised the standard of living for many, there are also concerns that income gaps between the rich and the poor have widened and variation is deepening. It has been recognized that those living on a low income face consumer disadvantage in the market place (Andreasen, 1975) encountering different exchange restrictions and negative results (Hill and Stephens, 1997). It is being unable to obtain the goods and services needed for a socially suitable standard of living (Darley and Johnson, 1985) according to low-income consumers encounter different other market place limitation. imperfect product openness can be a problem. Smaller variety have been partly endorsed to access difficulties in both the food retailing industry (Cummins and Macintyre, 1999) . Equally, low-income consumers often have to be enough with lower quality goods and services, for example, they may have no choice but to pay for second-hand goods, an option that is almost always viewed as second best (Williams and Windebank, 2001). Moreover, since the publication of The Poor Pay More , it has generally been accepted that they suffer price bias in the market place (Chung and Myers, 1999). For low-income customers, such social behavior are often beyond reach as a large percentage of their money is tied up with basics such as food and rent (Alwitt and Donley, 1996). This leads to a generality of life’s experiences . Low-income consumers may practice more difficultly in forming helpful relationships outside the instant household (Daly and Leonard, 2002) due to limited opportunities for socializing In the case of low income they lose opportunity to take benefit of ‘‘what life has to offer’’ and are cut from what passes as a ‘‘happy life’’ (Bauman, 2005, p. 38). Low income consumers are often unemployed because they have not power of purchasing comfortable goods. Which can satisfy their demands m (Alwitt and Donley, 1996). These could include individualized payment plans that allow consumers control of their own budgeting strategy or credit opportunities that are specifically adapted to the needs of low-income consumers (Himlton 2004). This is not amazing that as these consumers are often considered as a group with different aspiration who are losing and risky, and not good for market-related research ( Hamilton and Catterall, 2005). People spend more part of their income for their basic necessities, life style is not consider. The incomes that households actually receive play a significant role in determining their consumption (Tregarthen and Ritternberg, 2000) such that low-income consumers consume less fresh  fruits, fresh vegetables, fruit juices, low-fat milk, whole meal bread and fish compare to more economically advantaged consumers (Anderson and Morris, 2000). Low-income consumers can be defined as individuals whose financial resources or income results in them being unable to obtain the goods and services needed for an â€Å"adequate† and â€Å"socially acceptable† standard of living (Darley and Johnson, 1985 cited in Hamilton and Catterall, 2005). HILL and ADRANG studied on global poverty of the united nations contened that the poor are individual and families are some what rich. Lifestyle characteristics of the low-income consumer The incomes that households actually receive play a significant role in determining their consumption (Tregarthen and Ritternberg, 2000). To rely on making incursions into other budgetary allocations and postpone other essentials, such that they decide on which item of necessity is less necessary (Matza and Miller, 1976). Most buying decisions for relatively low-priced products that have close substitutes would be low-involvement. A more detailed view of low-involvement products is proposed by Semenik and Bamossy (1995). It has been suggested that ‘‘An individual is socially excluded if (a) he or she is geographically resident in a society and (b) he or she does not participate in the normal activities of citizens in that society’’ (Burchardt, 1999, p. 230). The aim of this paper is twofold. First, social policy studies surrounding social exclusion in terms of separation from mainstream society have focused on employment, often neglecting theorizing about the specific forms of social exclusion that can be associated with consumerism (Williams and Windebank, 2002; Hohnen, 2007). Positive discourse heralds the benefits of a consumer society suggesting that choice can be seen as ‘‘the consumer’s friend’’ (Gabriel and Lang, 2006, p. 1) Marketing techniques are often critiqued for creating a strong social pressure to consume, leading to feelings of exclusion and shame for those consumers who cannot make their desires a reality (Bowring, 2000). Fullerton and Punj (1997) also suggest that as well as stimulating legitimate consumption behavior, the consumer culture can stimulate consumer misbehavior. Previous research suggests that the poor may be particularly prone to consumer misbehavior as their financial resources may not be sufficient to  satisfy desires. Equally, low-income consumers often have to suffice with lower quality goods and services, for example, they may have no choice but to purchase second-hand goods, an option that is almost always viewed as second best (Williams and Winde bank, 2001). The British Social Attitudes Report (National Centre for Social Research, 2008) highlights that a rising number of people place the blame for poverty on the poor themselves; some 27 per cent think that poverty is due to ‘‘laziness or lack of willpower’’, up from 19 per cent in  1984. References Darley,W.K. and Johnson, D.M. (1985), ‘‘A contemporary analysis of the low income consumer: aninternational perspective’’, in Tan, C.T. and Sheth, J.N. (Eds), Historical Perspectives inConsumer Research: National and International Perspectives, Association for ConsumerResearch, Provo, UT, pp. 206-10. Townsend, P. (1987), ‘‘Deprivation’’, Journal of Social Policy, Vol. 16 No. 2, pp. 125-46. Bowring, F. (2000), ‘‘Social exclusion: limitations of the debate’’, Critical Social Policy, Vol. 20 No. 3, pp. 307-30. Andreasen, A.R. (1975), The Disadvantaged Consumer, The Free Press, New York, NY.Arnould, E.J. and Thompson, C.J. (2005), ‘‘Consumer culture theory (CCT): twenty years of research’’, Journal of Consumer Research, Vol. 31 No. 4, pp. 868-82. research’’, Journal of Consumer Research, Vol. 31 No. 4, pp. 868-82. Hill, R.P. and Stephens, D.L. (1997), ‘‘Impoverished consumers and consumer behavior: the case ofAFDC mothers’’, Journal of Macromarketing, Vol. 17 No. 2, pp. 32-48. Cummins, S. and Macintyre, S. (1999), ‘‘The location of food stores in urban areas: a case study in Glasgow’’, British Food Journal, Vol. 101 No. 7, pp. 545-53. Williams, C.C. and Windebank, J. (2001), ‘‘Acquiring goods and services in lower income populations: an evaluation of consumer behaviour and preferences’’, International Journal Of Retail Distribution Management, Vol. 29 No. 1, pp. 16-24. Chung, C. and Myers, S.L. (1999), ‘‘Do the poor pay more for food? An analysis of grocery store availability and food price disparities’’, The Journal of Consumer Affairs, Vol. 33 No. 2, pp. 276-96. Alwitt, L.F. and Donley, T.D. (1996), The Low-income Consumer, Adjusting the Balance of Exchange, Sage, Thousand Oaks, CA. Hamilton, C. (2004), Growth Fetish, Pluto Press, London Hamilton, K. and Catterall, M. (2005), â€Å"Towards a better understanding of the low-income consumer†, Advances in Consumer Research, Vol. 32, pp. 627-32. Tregarthen, T. and Ritternberg, L. (2000), Economics, 2nd ed., Worth, New York, NY. Anderson, A.S. and Morris, S.E. (2000), â€Å"Changing fortunes: changing food choices†, Nutrition Food Science, Vol. 30 No. 1, pp. 12-15. Matza, D. and Miller, H. (1976), â€Å"Poverty and proletariat†, in Merton, R.K. and Nisbet, R. (Eds),Contemporary Social Problems, 4th ed.,Harcourt Brace Jovanovich,NewYork,NY, pp. 641-73. Semenik, R.J. and Bamossy, G.J. (1995), Principles of Marketing, 2nd ed., South Western College, Cincinnati, OH, pp. 170-1. Burchardt, T., Le Grand, J. and Piachaud, D. (1999), ‘‘Social exclusion in Britain 1991-1995’’, Social Policy and Administration, Vol. 33 No. 3, pp. 227-44. Williams, C.C. and Windebank, J. (2002), ‘‘The ‘excluded consumer’: a neglected aspect of social exclusion?’’, Policy Politics, Vol. 30 No. 4, pp. 501-13. Gabriel, Y. and Lang, T. (2006), The Unmanageable Consumer: Contemporary Consumption and its Fragmentation, 2nd ed., Sage, London. Bowring, F. (2000), ‘‘Social exclusion: limitations of the debate’’, Critical Social Policy, Vol. 20 No. 3, pp. 307-30. Fullerton, R.A. and Punj, G. (1997), ‘‘The unintended consequences of the culture of consumption:an historical-theoretical analysis of consumer misbehavior’’, Consumption, Markets and Culture, Vol. 1 No. 4, pp. 393-423. Williams, C.C. and Windebank, J. (2001), ‘‘Acquiring goods and services in lower incomepopulations: an evaluation of consumer behaviour and preferences’’, International Journal of Retail Distribution Management, Vol. 29 No. 1, pp. 16-24. National Centre for Social Research (2008), British Social Attitudes, The 24th Report, Sage, London.

Perspectives on the 1939 White Paper During World War II

In 1939, the British government published a White Paper severely restricting Jewish immigration and planning for an independent Palestinian state within ten years. On the part of the British, this was an effort to secure crucial Arab cooperation in case of war. But neither the Jews nor the Arabs were pleased with the White Paper. The Jews took direct action against it, arguing that it violated earlier promises that had been made to them. The Arabs, on the other hand, argued that the restrictions were too weak.Still, the Arabs recognized the White Paper as a move in the right direction and although they went on record as opposed to it, they did not openly fight it. While the Jews forcefully rejected the White Paper, most of the Zionist leadership postponed the fight against the British in order to support them in the war. Some Jewish terrorist organizations, however, did spring up to target Britain. Throughout World War II, the White Paper allowed the British the support they had been seeking from the Arabs, while drawing opposition from the Jews.In the period leading up to the issue of the White Paper, Britain’s attempts to resolve the crisis in Palestine â€Å"occurred against a backdrop of developing tensions in Europe and the Mediterranean that ultimately had a major impact on Britain’s Palestine policy† (Smith 139). To the British, the Arab Revolt that had taken place from 1936 to 1939 â€Å"signified a rebellion that had to be crushed, not simply to preserve Britain’s own position in Palestine as the mandatory power, but to consolidate that position by appealing for Arab support both within and outside Palestine once the revolt had ended† (Smith 139).This position was adopted as the threat of war began to loom closer. German and Italian propaganda was aimed toward the Arabs, encouraging them to revolt against the British. The British knew that they could not afford to send large numbers of troops to quash a rebellion when their forces would be necessary in Europe. They also recognized the strategic importance of Palestine, and British military planners â€Å"now began to view Palestine in light of envisaged wartime needs† (Smith 139).Any troops currently in Palestine would have to be transferred to Egypt and the Suez Canal at the outbreak of war, and eventually reinforcements from India would have to travel through Palestine. Peace in Palestine was now considered â€Å"essential to British military security† (Smith 139). But more was necessary to guarantee British security in the region. In addition to control over Palestine, the British needed â€Å"assurance of the tacit, if not open, support of the neighboring Arab countries† (Smith 140).The Palestine situation was crucial to gaining this support, as Arab leaders had become increasingly involved in the conflict during the revolt. Creating a solution that was favorable to the Arabs would promise Britain the support of the Arab world during the war. In January 1939, British strategists advised that â€Å"‘immediately on the outbreak of war, the necessary measures would be taken†¦in order to bring about a complete appeasement of Arab opinion in Palestine and in neighboring countries’† (Smith 140) The British also recognized that maintaining their mandatory power in Palestine was necessary if they hoped to use it as a strategic base.But the Partition Plan had already been proposed by the Peel Commission in 1937. This â€Å"raised questions in the Foreign Office: if the Jews were recognized as having national status in part of Palestine, what further justification would there be for Britain’s staying there as mandatory authority? † (Smith 140). Nevertheless, the Cabinet approved the Partition Plan. Expecting the Zionists to do the same, they were â€Å"startled by the force of Zionist opposition to the plan† (Smith 140). As a result, the Woodhead Commission was f ormed to investigate the possibilities for partition.The Foreign Office, which strongly opposed partition, used this opportunity to have the committee â€Å"reopen the question of the practicability of partition, not just its scope† (Smith 140). Fearing a hostile Arab reaction to British policy, the Foreign Office argued that â€Å"‘the European implications of a hostile Middle East aligned with Britain’s enemies must override the arguments in favour of partition’† (Smith 140). The Woodhead commission submitted its report in November 1938, after a period of severe Arab revolt had â€Å"temporarily paralyzed much of Palestine† (Smith 141).The Commission concluded that â€Å"there were no feasible boundaries for ‘self-supporting Arab and Jewish states’† (Smith 141). Still, the commissioners recommended three different partition plans. One plan reduced the Jewish portion to approximately 400 square miles along the coast, whil e the other two made the state even smaller. The Zionists rejected all of the proposals, which paved the way for the British government to issue a White Paper on November 9, 1938, which â€Å"discarded the entire notion of partition as ‘impracticable’† (Smith 141).This abandonment of partition allowed the British to take control of all of Palestine, securing their mandatory power and their strategic bases. Although they had succeeded in maintaining control, the British still needed to resolve the conflict between the Arabs and the Jews. The White Paper therefore called for a conference in which the two group would discuss â€Å"‘future policy, including the question of immigration into Palestine’† (Smith 141). It also warned that if the two parties could not agree, the British would â€Å"‘take their own decision in the light of their examination of the problem’† (Smith 141).The St. James Conference, held in London in Febru ary 1939, swiftly reached an impasse. Jamal al-Husayni, the cousin of the mufti, â€Å"demanded the creation of an independent Arab state and the dismantling of the Jewish National Home,† while Chaim Weizmann argued for â€Å"a continuation of the mandate and British sponsorship of unlimited immigration† (Smith 141). With the threat of war looming ever closer, â€Å"Arab opinion in the Middle East now seemed more important to British interests than was Jewish opinion in Palestine or Jewish political influence in London† (Smith 143).The British government decided to act. They â€Å"finally agreed to the Arab state overtures† (Smith 142) and published the White Paper on May 17, 1939. The 1939 White Paper illustrated a â€Å"stunning reversal of policy† (Smith 139) and was â€Å"interpreted by contemporaries as marking the end of the alliance between the Jews and Great Britain† (Shapira 276). It restricted Jewish immigration into Palestine to 1 0,000 per year for five years with an additional 25,000 refugees permitted.After five years, no further Jewish immigration would be allowed â€Å"‘unless the Arabs of Palestine are prepared to acquiesce in it’† (Shapira 469). Land transfers to Jews were also restricted to certain areas. The White Paper declared that â€Å"‘His Majesty’s Government believe that the framers of the Mandate in which the Balfour Declaration was embodied could not have intended that Palestine should be converted into a Jewish state against the will of the Arab population of the country’† (Smith 142). The new policy planned for Palestine to be an independent Arab state within ten ears, when Jews would make up no more than one-third of the population. Zionist reaction to the 1939 White Paper was abrupt. Declaring that the Jews would resist its implementation, the Jewish Agency argued that the plan was â€Å"contrary to international law and a violation of the promises made to the Jews in and since the Balfour Declaration† (Smith 142). On the day after its publication, the Grand Rabbi tore up a copy of the White Paper before the assembled congregation in the principal synagogue of Jerusalem.Street demonstrations in the same city resulted in the death of a British constable from a Jewish revolver shot. Mass meetings of Jews throughout the country took an oath to observe a proclamation which contained the following passages: ‘Whereas the British Government has announced a new policy in Palestine†¦Now therefore the Jewish population proclaims before the world that this treacherous policy will not be tolerated. The Jewish population will fight it to the uttermost, and will spare no sacrifice to frustrate and defeat it’ (Khalidi 473).Jews in Palestine also announced policies of civil disobedience and non-cooperation with the British, but these plans soon ceased as â€Å"Jewish leaders knew that if the Government were t o cease its active support of the National Home the latter’s entire structure would be imperiled† (Khalidi 473). In general, â€Å"the Zionist leadership abandoned the fight against Britain and dedicated itself to promoting maximum participation of the Jewish community in the war effort† (Shapira 280). The Jewish community argued over whether they should fight the White Paper or support the British in the hope that their post-war policy would change.Moderates felt that the White Paper had been issued only because the war required Arab support. Arthur Ruppin wrote in his diary in May 1939 that â€Å"‘This White Paper emanates from a certain political constellation (Arab united front, Britain’s fear of the Arabs) and will be equally short-lived’† (Shapira 290). Moderates â€Å"demanded that tension with the British be reduced; Jews should be unconditionally loyal until the end of the war, assuming that the British government would ultima tely change its policy† (Shapira 290).Even Vladimir Jabotinsky, â€Å"despite all this criticism of the mandate government and all his attempts to exert pressure on it by threatening to replace it with another power, was not prepared to give Britain a bill of divorce. Until his dying day, he supported a pro-British orientation† (Shapira 246). Immigration, though, remained a strong point of contention. Before the publication of the White Paper, Zionist leaders had decided to increase illegal immigration of Jews into Palestine. Of the 27,561 Jews who arrived in Palestine in 1939, 11,156 were unauthorized (Smith 165).With the beginning of war, these plans intensified as thousands of refugees attempted to flee Europe. David Ben-Gurion warned that while Jews would â€Å"‘help the British in their struggle as if there were no White Paper’† they would also â€Å"‘resist the White Paper as if there were no war’† (Shapira 279). This situat ion â€Å"brought Zionists and British officials into immediate conflict† (Smith 165). When the British decided to hold illegal immigrants in internment camps in Palestine, the Zionists reacted by flooding the country with immigrants in order to make the policy impossible.The British then decided that refugees who reached Palestine would be transferred to the island of Mauritius. They simultaneously struggled to stop the flow of refugees from Europe by urging countries like Turkey to deny them transit. After the outbreak of war, the impossible refugee situation â€Å"created ‘almost†¦a war within a war’† as â€Å"Jews became increasingly bitter at what they saw as British inhumanity† (Smith 165). This situation led to disaster. In November 1940, British naval patrols intercepted two ships and transferred over 1,700 refugees to the SS Patria to be deported to Mauritius.While the ship was ported in Haifa, the Jewish defense force Hagana â€Å"ar ranged for a bomb to be placed near the hull to disable the ship, thereby forcing British authorities to permit the Jews to stay. The plan miscarried, and the ship sank with over 200 casualties† (Smith 165). The Zionists were outraged. Faced with propaganda that accused them of responsibility for the deaths, the British cabinet allowed the survivors of the Patria to remain in Palestine.Another disaster occurred in February 1942 when the British convinced the Turks to forbid the SS Struma passage into the Mediterranean. The ship full of Romanian Jews was turned back and sank with only one survivor. To the Zionists, â€Å"this was proof of British perfidy† (Smith 165). While most Jewish leaders recognized that they could not declare war on Britain, Jewish terrorist groups did grow and aim their attacks at the British. The Jewish broadcasting station, Kol Israel, stated that â€Å"The paralysing of the railways all over the country through utting the lines in 242 places s erves as a warning to the Government of the White Paper† (Khalidi 606). Such activists saw the White Paper â€Å"as the result of a British assessment that the Jews had no choice but to resign themselves to an anti-Zionist policy, because they needed British protection against the Arabs† (Shapira 290). They set out to prove the British wrong. They argued that â€Å"the only way to bring about a change in British policy was by ample demonstration of Jewish power and willingness to fight and suffer losses† (Shapira 290).They also hoped to show the British government that enforcing the new restrictions â€Å"would make it necessary for them to carry out acts of suppression on a large scale, and it was doubtful whether the British government would approve† (Shapira 290). Their actions were designed to send the British â€Å"a clear message about what the absolute limits were, limits beyond which they were prepared to die and even to kill† (Shapira 290). The publication of the 1939 White Paper also led the Irgun, a Revisionist terrorist group, to shift its focus from the Arabs to the British.Irgun began attacking British administrative buildings, assaulting British police personnel, and bombing gathering places. But once the war began, Jabotinsky urged his followers in the Revisionist party â€Å"to support the British effort against the Nazis† (Smith 170). Most of the Irgun followed Jabotinsky’s orders. Those who did not were led by Abraham Stern. The Stern Gang, formed in 1940, was â€Å"willing to rob Jewish concerns, such as a Histadrut bank, with Jewish loss of life as well as assault British officials† (Smith 170).Stern simultaneously established relationships with German and Italian representatives, offering them â€Å"his service to their cause for the duration of the war† (Smith 170). Ignoring the Nazis’ anti-Semitic platform, Stern allied himself with the Germans simply because they were fighting Britain. The Hagana and the Irgun both condemned the Stern Gang, offering the British police information that led to Stern’s murder in a February 1942 raid. For the next two years, there was little Zionist underground activity.The leaders of the Stern Gang were either dead or in prison, and the Irgun had lost its leadership with Jabotinsky’s death. But Menachem Begin, who arrived in Palestine in 1942, â€Å"saw himself as the heir to Jabotinsky’s Revisionist ideals† (Smith 170). At the end of 1943, both Irgun and the Stern Gang â€Å"were again preparing for anti-British action, inspired by both the receding German threat in the Middle East and the ongoing tensions in Zionist-British relations, exacerbated particularly by the legacy of the refugee ships and the growing awareness of the Holocaust† (Smith 170).This situation led to cooperation between Begin and the remaining members of the Stern Gang. Under the name LEHI, they resumed their actions against Britain. The actions of LEHI resulted in the opposite of their intended effects. In July 1943, Winston Churchill instigated the creation of a cabinet committee on Palestine that would examine alternatives to the 1939 White Paper. The committee recommended partition, but the plan was never officially approved because on November 6, members of LEHI assassinated Lord Moyne, the deputy minister of state for Middle East Affairs in Cairo.Since Moyne had been a close friend of Churchill, the Prime Minister â€Å"reacted by shelving the partition scheme he had seen through, against stiff opposition from his ministers† (Smith 170). He announced to the House of Commons that â€Å"‘if our dreams for Zionism are to end in the smoke of assassins’ pistols and our labours for its future to produce only a new set of gangsters worthy of Nazi Germany, many like myself will have to reconsider the position we have maintained so consistently in the past’† (Smith 170).Partition was not discussed again during Churchill’s term. For the duration of the war, Churchill’s warning to the Jews worked: â€Å"they stopped underground activities that seemed to threaten the likelihood of any cooperation with a British government after the war† (Smith 170). Arab views on the White Paper also varied, as â€Å"The Arab community in Palestine was essentially leaderless, riven with more factions than ever before† (Smith 144). Although they recognized this as a step in the right direction, â€Å"The Arab reaction was only partially favourable† (Khalidi 470).They were pleased with the â€Å"definite statement that there was no intention of setting up a Jewish state and the apparent determination to make Palestine an independent country in which the Jews formed not more than a third of the total population† (Khalidi 470). But they still viewed the restrictions concerning land sales as â€Å"quite inadequateâ €  because â€Å"they ignored the fact that the rights and position of the Arab population were also being prejudiced by land purchases made by Jews avowedly for ‘political and strategical reasons’ – i. . , with a view to dominating the whole country† (Khalidi 470). Arabs also had trouble believing that the British would enforce these new immigration plans. From their point of view, â€Å"similar statements at intervals during the last twenty years had never yet been followed by a cessation of the illegal immigration, and the Arab delegates saw no reason to suppose that they would be on this occasion either† (Khalidi 470).Precautionary statements in the White Paper such as â€Å"‘should public opinion in Palestine hereafter show itself in favour of such a development’ and ‘provided that local conditions permit,’ taken together with ‘adequate provision for the special position in Palestine of the Jewish National Ho me’† suggested to the Arabs that â€Å"Jewish opposition would still be allowed to block constitutional development indefinitely† (Khalidi 471). Moderate Arabs and the leaders of the Arab governments saw the White Paper as hopeful.Those who encouraged defiance optimistically â€Å"used the example of the Arab Revolt and its presumed success in forcing Britain to deal with the Arabs, whatever its military failure† (Smith 144). The Arab Higher Committee, on the other hand, â€Å"repudiated the White Paper because it did not promise them immediate independence with a halt to Jewish immigration† (Smith 142), maintaining its â€Å"consistent refusal to admit that any part of Palestine should be given to the Zionists† (Smith 144). As a result of their rejection of the White Paper, â€Å"A certain limited recrudescence of Arab violence even manifested itself in Palestine† (Khalidi 471).The mufti, who had been officially banned from Palestine after his escape in October 1937, had a similar reaction. After the outbreak of war, British officials in Palestine sought the mufti’s support for the White Paper and his help in implementing it. They did so â€Å"out of fear of his ability to arouse general Arab hostility toward the British position in the Middle East at that time† (Smith 171). The mufti â€Å"rejected these requests and the White Paper itself† and instead â€Å"aligned himself with the Iraqi rebellion against Great Britain in April 1941, and once it failed†¦he spent the rest of the war supporting the German war effort† (Smith 171).In general, though, Arab reaction to the 1939 White Paper was not hostile. Agreeing not to engage in overt political activity, â€Å"members of the Higher Committee accepted British offers of safe return to Palestine† (Smith 172). Other leaders including â€Å"a number of leading members of the Istaqlal and the Palestine Arab party that represente d the Husaynis, along with Husayn al-Khalidi of the Reform party, reestablished themselves in the country. In general they indicated their reserved acceptance of the 1939 White Paper and istanced themselves from the mufti† (Smith 172). Although fierce Axis propaganda (including the mufti urging rebellion) was focused on Palestine in 1941 and 1942, the Arabs in Palestine remained calm. Another revolt was recognized as â€Å"out of the question, both for political and military reasons. It appeared that the British were coming closer to the Arab point of view. Although they were still quite far from meeting the Arab demands, the process was proceeding in a positive direction from the Arab perspective† (Shapira 282).In addition, the Arabs realized that any uprising would have been immediately put down by British forces stationed in Palestine. In general, â€Å"the Arab community in Palestine remained a passive element in the occurrences both during the war and afterward. T he years 1939-1947 were apparently the longest continuous period of quiet and relative tranquility in Arab-Jewish relations in Palestine since the 1920s† (Shapira 282). The reaction of Palestinian Arabs was one of â€Å"general political quiescence† (Kimmerling 134). To many, the White Paper indicated that the British intended to grant Arab independence in Palestine.Arabs saw the Zionist struggle against the policy as â€Å"a sign of anxiety and weakness† (Kimmerling 134). They were certain that â€Å"All they needed to do was bide their time† (Kimmerling 134). The British government’s strategic decision to publish the 1939 White Paper therefore proved fruitful. Although the Arabs were not entirely pleased with the decision and argued for stronger restrictions, they did offer the British their support during the war. The Jews, on the other hand, were divided in their reaction to the White Paper.Some violently fought the restrictions while others rec ognized the importance of siding with Britain. The British recognized that the consequences of Jewish terrorism were far outweighed by the support they needed from the Arab world, and throughout World War II the 1939 White Paper succeeded in that respect. Both Arabs and Jews rejected the White Paper, although to differing degrees. The Arabs argued that the restrictions were too weak, but they still offered Britain their support. The Jews struggled to fight the policy while still backing the British war effort.The British entered World War II â€Å"aware that their Palestine policy reversal in the 1939 White Paper had outraged the Zionists without satisfying the Arabs. They accepted this as the price for temporarily stabilizing their military and strategic positions in Palestine and the Arab world at large†¦It was a short-term strategy of expediency and calculated appeasement designed to serve Britain’s immediate wartime and possibly long-range imperial designs that assu med a British presence in Palestine for the foreseeable future† (Smith 145).Summary of each†¦ Info about reexamination of Husayn-McMahon Correspondence? See also Khalidi p. 468 for this. The Zionist (Biltmore) Program held in in May 1942 declared that â€Å"The Conference calls for the fulfillment of the original purpose of the Balfour Declaration which†¦was to afford them [Jews] the opportunity, as stated by President Wilson, to found there a Jewish Commonwealth.The Conference affirms its unalterable rejection of the White Paper of May 1939 and denies its moral or legal validity†¦The policy of the White Paper is cruel and indefensible in its denial of sanctuary to Jews fleeing from Nazi persecution; and at a time when Palestine has become a focal point in the war front of the United Nations, and Palestine Jewry must provide all available manpower for farm and factory and camp, it is in direct conflict with the interests of the allied war effort† (Khalid i 497).They wanted Palestine to be an Arab state and they felt that the McMahon-Hussein correspondence had promised them that. They hoped to limit the number of Jews in Palestine to only those who were already there. The Jews argued that the White Paper violated promises made to them in the Balfour Declaration. Multiple standpoints existed within the Jewish community, from more moderate views to Jabotinsky and the Revisionist Party’s radical opinions.

Motivation of Nurses in Healthcare

Nurses and the healthcare industry are having to deal with stressed and De-motivated employees, and never before has levels of Job satisfaction, stress and burnout been so high among nurses In the healthcare industry (Graham, 2006) . The aim of this Annotated Bibliography is to examine the motivation of nurses in healthcare, and specifically to find and study the different motivational theories which Improve levels of motivation among nurses.As stated by (Wham and Ogle, 2007) the question of how to improve the level of motivation in the healthcare industry is perceived to be at the heart of the contemporary health care management debate. The study builds to show that motivation Is multidimensional and complex needing clearer definitions, If searchers and practitioners are wanting to influence behaviors to motivate others. Similarly, (Hugh, 1995) had the same conclusion that motivating staff to Improve Involves many Interlinking factors. Hugh, 1995) goes on to show that through traini ng and continuing education a team's confidence and capability are enhanced creating an environment which is essential to maintaining momentum of continuous Increases In staff motivation and enthusiasm for improvement. Likewise, (Lee, 2000) suggests that motivation Is gained by empowering nurses to become role models, to mentor and motivate others. Which in turn enhances employees' motivation and professional development. The two articles (Wick.DOSS and Northman, 2009) and (Young. Albert, Apaches and Meyer, 2007) are similar in there approach by both identifying incentives to motivate employees. Both articles indicate a breakdown exists between nurse management and nurse practitioners with management not actively listening to nurse who express job stress and dissatisfaction. Both articles suggest flexible work schedules to improve levels of job satisfaction and individualized work incentives. Reference Externally, V. , and Satellite, E. 007) Improving motivation among health care wo rkers in private health care organizations- a perspective of nursing 1 OF 7 personnel, Baltic Journal AT Management, 2(2), 213-224 Alma/ Purpose 10 explore ten experiences of nursing personnel, in terms of their motivation and satisfaction. To identify areas for sustainable improvement to the health care services they provide. Article Type Research Article( quantitative) and brief literature review Method Sample 237 registered nurse practitioners and 30 nurse executive with a 97% returning quota of questionnaires.Data Collection 2 week response time to return survey. 9 close ended questions divided into 11 evaluation parts. Data Analysis: in order to identify barriers to motivation 99 questions were divided into 11 parts based on: Social-psychological competencies Clinical expertise competencies Educational competencies Managerial administration competencies Activity environment Communication and collaboration Responsibility Results and encouragement Autonomy Self realization Activi ty purposefulness.Each question had two elements or responses to them either reflecting the external or internal motivators of each situation. A score was arranged between the responses Findings Findings were presented individually in 11 parts. Interestingly nurse practitioners and executives both believe personnel empowerment and motivation comes from continuing development and evaluation of personnel problems. Both didn't foresee that the development of teamwork competencies and structuring of activity of scope of practice as affective ways of motivation.Conclusions The article concluded that with an increase demand for higher productivity, a changing health care systems and managed health care activity restrictions staff motivation is affected, with higher Job dissatisfaction and increased burnout rates. The research concluded that social factors influenced motivators: Motivation decreases when nurses aren't empowered and not autonomous in activity. Motivation increases when nurs es collaborate with physicians by parity. Results showed no difference between nurse practitioners and executives.Strengths Clearly written and articulated The authors is neutral in undertaking research and the viewpoints between nurse practitioners Ana nurse executives. I en autonomous plants toner areas AT research needed. The validity of the research paper can't be questioned and is therefore a useful reference in future studies. Weaknesses The quality of nursing cannot be assessed in terms of performance referenced criteria, but only in terms of personal qualities displayed in that performance. The characteristics of the provided sample limited the results. Reference Hugh, K. 1995) Motivating staff through teamwork: process review and data display. Health management Journal. 21(4), 32-35. Aim/purpose identify interlinking factors to motivate staff, in terms of total quality management and team work in a healthcare setting. Article type Critique Approach Examines claims there are four interconnecting intervention factors which are essential to motivating staff are: Understanding the psychology of excellence in teams Establishing cross-functional quality improvement teams Understanding and reviewing processes of care and service Using data display to motivate.The article also uses psychology to understand total quality management and seeks to show how through teamwork staff become empowered in numbers and motivated. The author attempts to involve six issues which attempts to be a key determinate of staff motivation levels: Awareness of the employee trail Awareness of psychological issues Managing the existing culture of staff Increasing quality improvement attitudes in staff Integration of human resource management into operational teamwork Keeping jargon too minimum. Conclusion Describes four major factors which have practical implications, to motivate staff.The author points out that training and continuing education enhances team's confidence and capabili ty, and that these factors are essential to maintain momentum and increase staff motivation and enthusiasm for improvement. Strengths The strength of the paper is it is descriptive in nature, and provides the deader with numerous way to improve motivation of employees. Weaknesses The weakness of the paper is it use limited sources back up it claims. The author also appears to be bias in his approach drawing on his own experiences or opinions rather then using evidence based practice.Reference Wick, K. , Dols, J. , and Northman, S. (2000)What nurses want: the nurse incentives project. Nursing economics Journal. 27(3), 169-201. Aim/purpose To explore the relationship between specific factors, which can be managed or changed to improve motivation and Job satisfaction. The authors aims to show that nurse Job distraction, physician interactions, policies or autonomy are all related to staff motivation. Article type Research Method An anonymous survey involving 22 hospital systems and 5,1 76 Runs was circulated. Only 1 ,559 of the anonymous surveys were analyses.This study was designed to allow predictive modeling of a set of independent variables, by including incentives and disincentives, in relation to what causes nurses to be dissatisfied and unmotivated in their Jobs. An online survey was also conducted over a 3 month period using the hospitals intranet, staff were made aware of the online survey through use of flyers. The data collected from both surveys, were analyses using the perceived stress scale. This scale isn't specifically for nurses and therefore isn't clinical oriented. The scale is a simple 10 item scale, involves respondents to respond from a range of â€Å"never† to â€Å"very often. The ASS score ranged from 10 to 50. The data used was then compared the mean age of nurses involved and the ethnicity. Findings The article shows that the mean age of nurses involved in the survey is 42. 24 years, with 88. 5% of respondents being female. The e thic breakdown was 5. 3% African American, 6. % Asian, 70. 3% Caucasian, 16. 4% Hispanic, and 1. 3% listed other or no response. Conclusion The results were compared with the levels of staff dissatisfaction and stress showing a direct correlation between increased stress results in De-motivated staff and higher levels of Job dissatisfaction.The levels of dissatisfaction and De-motivation was also comparatively different between the generations, as well as the incentives which staff through the survey identified as means of improving motivation levels. The article recommends that to improve levels of motivation management needs to revive flexible benefits to help create a cohesive work environment. By regarding the role of incentives in designing an environment where benefits and perks will be seen as incentives to perform tasks promptly and thrive in the current nursing workplace.Strengths The strength of this paper is it draws information from a variety of sources increasing the re liability of the document. The data collected is presented statistically and clearly. By using a variety of methods it increases the validity of the paper. Weaknesses A low response rate of 30% could serve as a attention source of bias as some groups or hospitals maybe under-represented. Rather then present ways to improve motivation and levels of dissatisfaction, the article shows that levels of dissatisfaction and motivation are low. With high levels of staff indicating that they are unmotivated and stressed in there Jobs.Reference Lee, L. (2000) Motivation, mentoring and empowerment. The nursing management Journal. 1 (12) 25-27. Aim/purpose To define motivation, and to show that through empowerment and mentoring staff become more motivated to perform. Article type Meta-analysis of literature Approach The author uses the evidence presented by 7 well known nursing journals to define motivation as â€Å"that which impels or compels movement or action. † I en paper contributed to ten area Dye suggesting Tour stages to Deescalate motivation, mentoring and empowerment: Input: motivate employees.Process: mentoring to channel motivation to reach goals. Output: completed goals creates empowerment. Feedback: empowered nurse has greater self-esteem and competence. The article is based on nursing practice to improve quality of care and enhance understanding of the nurse leaders role in motivation, mentoring and empowerment. The article suggests taking a test to identify how one can implement motivation, mentoring and empowerment to encourage higher achievement, to identify characteristics of a successful mentor/protog relationship, and differentiate the stages of motivation, mentoring and empowerment.Conclusion The article shows how mentoring and empowerment of nurses gives nurses freedom to be creativity and to turn ideas into action. The article shows how current literature suggests that a creative climate in which employees can perform, become motivated in th eir work and are able to motivate themselves and others. The author states that motivation, mentoring and empowerment aren't separate identities. The author shows how motivation and empowerment fuel mentoring. And that through mentoring protogs become empowered, which enhances professional development and motivation.Strengths The article in itself is motivation, encouraging researchers to become empowered and motivated and to think about think about other means to motivate others that haven't been thought of before to contribute to this area of knowledge and research. Weaknesses The paper is limited and weakened by not using enough information from scholarly peered reviewed resources. , making very generalized statements. Reference Young, C. , Albert, N. , Apaches, S. , and Meyer, K. (2007) The ‘parent shift' program: incentives for nurses, rewards for nursing teams.Nursing Economics Journal. 25(6) 339-344. Aim/purpose To introduce the ‘parent shift' program as innovativ e model of attracting, retaining and motivating nurses to return into the workforce. The study aims to show how the parent shift nurse program decreases stress, improves time efficiency of full time staff and also improves motivation of involved staff and those that work with them. Article type Research (quantitative) Method The prospective, descriptive, comparative survey research study was conducted in a 1000+ bed hospital.The survey was anonymous and conducted over a 12 month period, and conducted on day one of commencement and 4 months after. This survey was also conducted in reference to the nursing management, who were given a salary survey wanly was contacted 4 months rater ten Implementation. I n data was summarized by mean and standard deviation. Nursing motivators were ranked on percentage and nursing management and URN roles responses were compared. Conclusion A brief literature review was conducted at the start of the article which found that in one study that those invo lved in the parent shift program that 98. % of respondents found the program extremely useful. And also found that in terms of nursing management it decreased overtime and burnout, and collaboration and team work was also enhanced among nurses. The literature review also stated that nurses motivation and retained in the workforce improved 41. 5% when the current employer accommodated their scheduling needs. In all areas it was found that nurse involved were less stressed, team work improved and URN cohesiveness improved. It was found that a supportive work environment, was created due to flexible working environment.Strengths The study suggests other areas to be improved upon if research is undertaken in the same field again. (program affects on teamwork, interruptions, models of care implementation, ability to meet non-patient care responsibilities and the dynamics of specific roles and responsibilities could strengthen the program). Weaknesses Large sampling size resulted in a gen eralization of results. Only operated for a short time. Other staff members working along side those involved in the program weren't revered.And was identified as an important factor in continued program participation. The literature review which was conducted prior research was short and didn't provide enough information. Conclusion This annotated bibliography highlighted many different opinions and studies related to motivating employees. The research into this topic supports the belief that employee motivation is related to empowerment, mentoring, continued education and autonomy within the workplace. Of the five articles in this annotated bibliography all come to the similar conclusion and finding .They analyses and viewed a sufficient number of studies and theories in the area of motivating staff in the healthcare environment. It can be concluded that motivation increases when nurses collaborate with physicians, the nursing profession is respected and recognized as autonomous a nd valued by themselves and other healthcare professionals. After analysis of the sources of motivation among nurses as shown through the respective annotations, it is evident that management needs to listen to employees and recognize when motivation is an issue in their unit and the incentives needed to re-motivate staff.

Analysis of the Poem Autobiography - 1052 Words

Analysis by N. Mohsin Autobiography, by Louis MacNeice In my childhood trees were green And there was plenty to be seen. Come back early or never come. My father made the walls resound, He wore his collar the wrong way round. Come back early or never come. My mother wore a yellow dress; Gentle, gently, gentleness. Come back early or never come. When I was five the black dreams came; Nothing after was quite the same. Come back early or never come. The dark was talking to the dead; The lamp was dark beside my bed. Come back early or never come. When I woke they did not care; Nobody, nobody was there. Come back early or never come. When my silent terror cried, Nobody, nobody replied. Come back†¦show more content†¦When I woke they did not care; Nobody, nobody was there. He expresses his feeling of still being a child and finding his mother or anyone to care for him. The tone is that of a typical child complaining at the absence of his mother By his bedside when he wakes up. Repetition of nobody reinforces and adds to the tone of loneliness and hopelessness he feels. When my silent terror cried, Nobody, nobody replied. The poet expresses his feeling of fear and anguish using an oxymoron- silent and cried The use of two contradictory words in the same phrase also adds to the sense of turmoil in this young childs mind. And once again instilling the feeling of loneliness by repeating the word nobody. The use of the word cried creates an auditory image that evokes emotions in the mind of the reader at the realisation of a child experiencing this immense loss. The poet gradually builds up emotions in the reader to a point that the child cant take it any more . I got up; the chilly sun Saw me walk away alone. This final couplet is very different from the rest of the poem, it begins with immediate action I got up, followed by an oxymoron - chilly sun again suggesting the conflict in his mind. Followed by a re-reminder of being alone and no one to see him go. These final two lines suggest his decision to get away and that too into loneliness. ThroughShow MoreRelatedEssay on The Analysis – Amazing Grace747 Words   |  3 PagesThe Analysis – Amazing Grace Kiel Carino ENG 125 Professor Olabisi Adenekan October 29, 2012 The Analysis – Amazing Grace The poetry â€Å"Amazing Grace† by John Newton is one of the most famous poems ever written and composed. â€Å"Amazing Grace† has been particularly influential and has affected lives since it was written. The reasons why â€Å"Amazing Grace† is influential are for the same reasons why I found this poem very interesting and engagingRead MoreMaya Angelou : An Influential Voices Of Modern Society Essay1386 Words   |  6 PagesContinuing her success, Maya became the first African-American woman to have her screenplay turned into a film, the Pulitzer Prize nominated film, Georgia, Georgia. Maya Angelou published a total of 7 autobiographies, 3 books of essays and numerous books of poetry over many decades. 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